Speech by Roberta Metsol, President of the European Parliament, at the Sorbonne University in Paris
Ladies and gentlemen, first of all, I would like to tell you that it is a pleasure and an honour to be with you tonight. Before I develop my remarks in French, I would like to let you in on a secret.
Every time I speak Moliere's language, my boys tell me 'Mom, your accent is terrible...'. So, as Churchill said in Kleber Square in Strasbourg in 1950, let me warn you: "Watch out, I'll speak French".
But rest assured that the beauty of this place, the history of the Sorbonne, has not influenced me to such an extent that I could consider myself a British and European statesman. We differ on several points...
However, as in 1950, we are at a crossroads and, unlike the post-World War II period where hope for a better future prevailed, we face many dangers. That is why I am honoured to be able to share these words with you here.
And before I expand on my thoughts, let me thank the Sorbonne for welcoming me. And thank you to Grand Continent magazine for offering to host this event. Ladies and gentlemen, I'm here tonight to talk about the future.
Talk about Europe. Europe's role in an increasingly dangerous and unstable world. The importance of Europe for France. The importance of Europe's voice in the Middle East, in Africa, in Ukraine, in Armenia. I also came to share my deep conviction that together we can build a strong Europe, a world leader in green and digital transformation.
A Europe that manages to break free from its dependencies and ensure our security, autonomy and prosperity. A Europe that responds to the challenges and difficulties of everyday life. Finally, I have come to tell you that Europe is not infallible and that it needs to evolve, to reform itself so that it does not become irrelevant. But I also want to talk to you to hear what you expect from your Europe.
We are less than a year away from the European elections and I know that we need to do more to convince people of the added value of our common project. There is no better place to hold such a debate than here at the Sorbonne, a place of knowledge and ideas. Ladies and gentlemen, the world faces challenges on many fronts.
Some of these fronts are on the doorstep of Europe, in our eastern and southern neighbourhood. The desperate situation in Gaza casts a shadow over the whole region. The response to this situation will determine the future of the region and of Europe. Nothing can excuse - or justify - the rape, kidnapping, torture and killing of entire communities, children, women, men and young people.
These horrific acts were committed by a terrorist organization. Let's be clear about this. Hamas does not represent the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. It is preventing them. Hamas cannot act with impunity. The kidnapped hostages must be released. The situation in Gaza is dire. It is a humanitarian crisis. That is why Europe has called for a humanitarian pause, de-escalation and full respect for international humanitarian law.
Civilians and innocent people must not pay for the despicable actions of Hamas. We must put an end to terror and we must be able to do so by ensuring the safety and lives of civilians, children, journalists and without targeting civilian infrastructure. What is important for Europe is how Israel responds. Europe is ready to commit itself in the long term, to work for lasting peace in the Middle East. For Europe has learned to overcome the insurmountable and has managed to find a path to peace.
France knows this all too well, she was one of the main players in European reconciliation. We support a fair and equitable solution for the parties involved based on the coexistence of two states. We will take this forward. The complex situation in the Middle East cannot distract us from what is otherwise happening on our eastern front.
In Europe, many thought that economic and trade relations with Moscow, including the import of Russian gas, were factors of stability. This was wrong. The truth is that nothing prevented Russia from invading Ukraine in a brutal, unjustified and illegal manner.
And this war that is taking place on our continent affects us all. Our support for Ukraine must in no way wane. Contrary to what President Putin thinks, we will not allow fatigue to set in. This is about the security of Europe and the security of Ukraine.
In this context, Europe must answer very serious questions. Are our democracies strong enough to respond to total threats? Can our open economy, our rule of law, withstand attacks?
Must international relations be governed by the "law of the strongest"? These are vital questions for Europe. We have no choice but to defend our civilisation firmly and with courage. We must vigorously defend our values and our political models of liberal democracy.
This took place in Ukraine.
There is no alternative. I mean, there is one... But it would be a moral and political mistake to leave Ukraine. Russia would not stop at this rate.
Everyone here knows this other line of Winston Churchill, again at the time of the Munich Agreements: 'You have been given a choice between war and disgrace. You have chosen shame and you will have war."
If today the European Union has decided to massively support Ukraine, it wants two things: honour and peace! But a real peace based on the freedom and independence of Ukraine
And while Africa, particularly sub-Saharan Africa, is undergoing an unprecedented wave of destabilisation and predation, there is an urgency to break out of our position, naive at best, actually patronising to this great continent.
I share your conviction, my dear Gilles and Matheo, that for Europe to succeed in its geopolitical transformation, it needs to get rid of some bad habits. We must stop a certain arrogance towards Africa.
We have to think continental scale.
Thinking on a continental scale means allowing Europe to be able to speak on the same level as the major continents.
To achieve this, we need to invest in our relations with Latin American countries. We must also give new impetus to our historic transatlantic partnership.
I repeat it without naivety, building on our strengths, taking up our interests and defending our values, which are all essential components of our European model.
Dear friends,
Europe faces challenges even within its borders.
People are struggling to pay their bills. The urgency of global warming and the digital transition are affecting our economies and jobs. Migration issues are also a cause for concern.
In the face of this, Europeans need answers. In the face of this, we need to ensure their security: physical security, economic security, social and environmental security.
To this end, it is time for Europe to take renewed responsibility. Let Europe become a project of power and independence.
Europe's future will be defined by our ability to remain sovereign and competitive. Through our ability to lead the digital and climate transformation. Moving away from our energy dependence and ending the dominance of large digital companies.
That is why we are preparing for the future by committing to achieving carbon neutrality by 2050. The European Green Deal is about our energy security and strengthening our competitiveness as well as the transition to environment and climate.
But we must ensure that no one is left behind in this transition. We must ensure that our smallest industries, businesses and citizens have the safety nets they need.
We also need to better explain why this transition is needed to support sustainable economic growth, create new jobs and lead the industrial revolution of tomorrow.
None of our policies will work without social acceptability and if the measures taken are neither realistic nor pragmatic.
Digital is also a challenge that is still ahead of us.
Thanks to the Digital Markets and Services and Artificial Intelligence Acts, Europe has already taken the lead in setting standards to become global. This prescriptive power guarantees our independence.
Migration worries Europeans too.
Too often, we have seen arguments between national governments over the admission of lucky ships in the Mediterranean.
No Member State should be left on its own to take disproportionate responsibility. All Member States should be united when faced with migration problems.
We cannot leave this problem in the hands of populist forces that revel in our inefficiency without providing realistic solutions to a complex problem.
Among Europeans, we are also working on a legal framework that is fair to those who need protection. A legal framework that is firm towards those who are not entitled to asylum. Finally, a legal framework that is tough on the smugglers who take advantage of the poverty of the most vulnerable.
We owe it to our fellow citizens, and we owe it to those who risk their lives on the road to migration. Because behind the characters there are always human lives, sometimes tragic stories and hopes for a better life.
After ten years of effort, we are finally ready to break the deadlock.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Another challenge I would like to address is the information war, or should I say disinformation.
The disinformation that has affected our liberal democracies and societies since the turn of the 20th century with the rise of the internet and social media.
Disinformation is as old as the world. The technological tools of artificial intelligence, social networks give it unprecedented reach.
And that is an absolute danger.
This danger is all the greater because it is compounded by states like Russia and Iran, which, in addition to being paragons of democratic virtue, are a fine game of blowing up the embers of polarization in our political arenas.
The goal is the same: defaming democracies. The method is constant: to sow doubt.
More than ever, we must take the necessary measures and arm ourselves to fight this offensive.
Yes, the world is getting more dangerous. Yes, Europe faces major challenges.
But we have to hold on. Hang in there as we build and defend peace and freedom. We have no right to forget what we are and what we want. For ourselves, for our children and for Europe.
I am part of a generation that was a child when the Berlin Wall fell, when people showed up in Tiananmen Square... A generation that remembered the collapse of the Soviet Union and the unbridled joy of millions of Europeans who could finally choose their destiny. We lived through this victory.
But over time we have become too sure of the firm and obvious nature of this freedom. Extreme movements are at the gates of power and there in Europe. Or even participate in it.
And this is why we need to seriously rethink and reform Europe. The history of European integration has shown us that we take responsibility through crises, that Europe progresses, transforms, evolves and strengthens.
And while this may seem distant, sometimes disturbing, to many of our citizens, we must address the problem of enlargement as a whole.
The world is not waiting for us. If we dare to change, our common project will stagnate and lose its meaning. We must adapt to the new geopolitical reality I have already mentioned. If we do not respond to the challenge of our neighbours, other geopolitical players will do so and fill the gap on our borders.
Before the 2004 enlargement, we had the same concerns. But history has shown us that an enlarged European Union based on clear objectives serves to defend Europe's peace, security, stability and prosperity on the international stage.
All Member States and Europeans win.
That is why we fought for Ukraine and Moldova to be granted EU candidate status, and why we believe that negotiations with the Western Balkans must move forward.
Because the prospect of accession gives these countries a European perspective and gives them the impetus to push for democratic reforms.
However, such a perspective cannot be realised without institutional reforms of our political project. A union of thirty, thirty-three or thirty-five will not be able to function under the same rules as the twenty-seven.
The reform of our institutional structure and procedures and the reform of our European budget are crucial. Adapting our structural policies is just as important to match the candidate countries long before their accession, but also to integrate them into the Union.
This is one of the main challenges we face.
Despite what I just said, I am an optimist by nature. I am convinced that if we succeed in creating an enlarged, ambitious, united and cohesive Union; an effective Union that leaves no one behind and meets the specific concerns of our fellow citizens while maintaining its place in the world, then it will be our best response to populism and extremism.
Ladies and gentlemen,
In the run-up to the European elections in June, it is more important than ever to think together about the role that Europe plays and, in particular, the role we want to give it...
I am the youngest President in the history of the European Parliament. I am only the third woman to hold this position after Simone Veil and Nicole Fontaine. And if I can stand here before you, it is because of the battles that these two admirable women have fought.
I understand my responsibility to them, to all the women who will come after me, to our European project.
That is why, at this critical moment in our history, I want to call on all French women and men to get involved.
If you think that the direction our joint project is taking is not the right one, or if you want it to deepen, then commit! It is your responsibility to change it.
Don't wait for someone else to do it for you. So go vote, find your voice, find a cause and fight for it.
Believe in Europe. Europe deserves to be defended and we all have a role to play in that.
The last word, dear friends,
I know how the French love to quote famous men of their past. How, then, can I conclude my speech without mentioning the man who gave his name to this beautiful amphitheatre and who rests not far from here.
Cardinal Richelieu once said: "We have to listen a lot and talk a little to do well...".
I may have talked too much, but I am ready to listen to you now.
Thank you. Thank you.
(europarl/europa.eu/USA)
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