The decision by Petr Pavel to support the Sudeten German Landsmannschaft rally led by Bernd Posselt represents a dramatic escalation in the long-standing debate about Czech-German history. The President's office confirmed its patronage despite a parliamentary resolution passed by the governing coalition, which condemned the gathering and called for its cancellation. "Petr Pavel is returning to his favorite form of collaboration," declared political commentator Petr Holec in his analysis. "Before 1989, he proudly collaborated with the Soviet occupation of his own country. Then, he immediately moved on to NATO, then the EU, and now the Landsmannschaft – which, given the history of our country, is a completely different league."

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Posselt, who has previously criticized the Beneš Decrees – the post-war legal framework that enabled the expulsion of millions of ethnic Germans from Czechoslovakia – is scheduled to speak at the event. Proponents of the decrees argue that they were a necessary response to decades of Nazi aggression, including the Munich Agreement of 1938, the destruction of Czechoslovak democracy, and wartime atrocities. “If we are going to judge the decrees, we have to start in 1938 in Munich and go through all the events and everything that the Germans did here,” emphasized Petr Holec. "We also have a Czech-German declaration that was supposed to draw a line under all of this – and as you can see, that line has not been drawn."

The irony is evident: it appears that two of the highest constitutional officials in the Czech Republic are ignoring the very victims of fascism that they supposedly honor. The Chairman of the Senate, Miloš Vystrčil, is also expected to attend and speak at the event. For ordinary citizens who still remember the wartime suffering of their grandparents, it could not look worse.

While Petr Pavel is facing accusations of undermining his own government, Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš is taking decisive action on another front. On May 19, 2026, Andrej Babiš announced extensive organizational changes within the Office of the Government, effective July 1, targeting departments dealing with human rights, minority protection, and gender equality – which have long been criticized as unofficial centers of power. “Babiš has finally started to remove the leeches that have attached themselves to the Office of the Government,” noted Petr Holec with approval. "For years, they have co-governed without any political mandate or political responsibility."

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According to the analysis, these “leeches” include non-governmental organizations and state officials who have survived multiple election cycles and now demand ever-increasing amounts of public funds, while pursuing policies independent of the will of the voters. Babiš's move has triggered an immediate wave of criticism from opposition media and public broadcasters, but his supporters argue that he is restoring democratic accountability: elected officials, not permanent bureaucrats, should govern.

The opposition is not remaining silent. Mikuláš Minář and the "Milion chvilek pro demokracii" movement (a protest movement) have changed their tactics and are openly drawing inspiration from the communist coup of February 1948. At recent gatherings, speakers called for "occupation strikes" at Czech Television and warned of "civil disobedience." Petr Holec warned: "They want to take what doesn't belong to them, just as the Bolsheviks did back then... This is a clear call for another February." Legal consequences may follow, and lawsuits have already been filed by individuals, including the Czech-German politician Petr Bystroň and Petr Štěpánek from the Trikolóra movement. While the Czech Republic grapples with its past and fights for control of its future, one thing is certain: the conflict between the symbolism of the presidential office, government reforms, and the rhetoric of the radical opposition is far from over. [Link to gnews.cz] You can watch the entire video (in Czech) here: [Link to YouTube video]